Bush Raises Eyeballs With Big Move Before Midterms

Former President George W. Bush is stepping back into Republican politics to help raise money for a group of GOP Senate candidates fighting to preserve the party’s majority in November, marking a relatively rare campaign appearance for the former president.
Bush appeared as a special guest Monday evening at a Dallas fundraiser hosted by Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, benefiting six Republican Senate candidates running in some of the country’s most closely watched races.
The fundraiser benefits Maintain the Majority, a new joint fundraising committee established to support Republican Senate candidates as the party battles to retain control of the chamber.
The committee is supporting Republican Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Jon Husted of Ohio and Dan Sullivan of Alaska, all of whom are seeking reelection.
It is also raising money for three Republicans seeking open or Democratic-held seats: Rep. Ashley Hinson in Iowa, former Rep. Mike Rogers in Michigan and former Sen. John E. Sununu in New Hampshire.
The event highlights the increasing focus on Senate fundraising with Election Day approaching and both parties directing money toward a relatively small number of competitive races.
Republicans currently hold the Senate majority, but contests across the country have created an expensive fight over control of the chamber.
Among the races drawing significant attention are Maine, Michigan, Ohio, New Hampshire, Iowa, Alaska, Texas, North Carolina, and Georgia.
CBS News recently identified a dozen races as potentially significant in determining control of the Senate.
Cornyn has been particularly vocal about directing Republican resources toward races where he believes the money could have the greatest impact.
The Texas senator, a former chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, recently warned that Republicans face difficult decisions about how to distribute their resources during the final weeks of the campaign.

“Pouring another $100 million in Texas jeopardizes other races, and I think the most important thing in the end is that Republicans maintain the majority in the Senate,” Cornyn told Semafor.
One notable Republican was absent from Monday’s fundraising effort: Texas GOP Senate nominee Ken Paxton.
Paxton, who was endorsed by President Trump, defeated Cornyn earlier this year following an expensive and contentious Republican primary. Although Cornyn subsequently said he would support the Republican ticket in November, Paxton was not included among the candidates benefiting from the Maintain the Majority fundraiser.
The omission is particularly notable because the Texas Senate contest has emerged as a major destination for Republican spending.
Paxton is running against Democratic state Rep. James Talarico. Trump-affiliated organizations and Republican Senate groups have committed tens of millions of dollars to advertising in the state, while Cornyn has publicly questioned whether that money might be more effective elsewhere.
Cornyn and Paxton fought one of the most expensive Republican Senate primaries in the country before Paxton secured the nomination.
Bush also had financial ties to Cornyn during the primary.
Federal campaign records previously showed the former president contributed $5,000 to Cornyn’s campaign.
The Texas Tribune reported that it was Bush’s first contribution to a federal candidate in Texas since the 2022 election cycle.
Bush has largely avoided day-to-day partisan politics since leaving the White House in January 2009, making his involvement in Monday’s event particularly noteworthy.
His appearance also underscored his longstanding relationship with Cornyn. Both men rose through Texas politics during the same period. Bush served as governor from 1995 until becoming president in 2001, while Cornyn served as Texas attorney general before winning election to the U.S. Senate in 2002.
The Dallas fundraiser also drew prominent figures from the Republican establishment. According to reporting on the event, participants and invitees included former Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, Republican donor Harlan Crow and Harriet Miers, who served as White House counsel under Bush and was briefly nominated by him to the Supreme Court.
Two other Republican Senate candidates facing significant contests — Michael Whatley in North Carolina and Rep. Mike Collins in Georgia — were also not included in the fundraising committee.
Republican leaders have acknowledged difficult strategic decisions are approaching as they determine where to concentrate resources.
🔥🚨 🚨 🚨 John Kennedy MOCKS a Witness With an ‘Easter Bunny’ Question — Then the Hearing Takes a Sharp Turn Over Billion-Dollar Economic Promises

🔥 John Kennedy MOCKS a Witness With an ‘Easter Bunny’ Question — Then the Hearing Takes a Sharp Turn Over Billion-Dollar Economic Promises
The affordability debate in Washington took an unexpected turn when Senator John Kennedy invoked the Easter Bunny to challenge a witness over how the government would pay for a federal jobs guarantee. What began as a discussion about rising prices, housing costs, and economic growth quickly became a tense exchange over taxes, government spending, and the role of public policy in helping American families.
The confrontation took place during a June 23, 2026, Senate Banking Committee hearing titled “The Affordability Agenda.” The witnesses included Lindsey Johnson of the Consumer Bankers Association, Kevin Brown of the National Association of Realtors, Cody Carbone of the Digital Chamber, and Julie Margetta Morgan, president of The Century Foundation.
Kennedy opened by questioning whether the witnesses were addressing the underlying problems facing ordinary Americans or primarily advocating for the industries and organisations they represented.

He made pointed remarks about cryptocurrency, real estate, and banking before turning his attention to Morgan, whom he criticised for her previous work in the Biden administration. Kennedy argued that her background was relevant to the discussion, particularly given his view that policies under the previous administration had contributed to inflation.
Morgan's broader position was that families were facing a serious affordability crisis and that policy choices, including tax policy, played a role in determining who benefited from economic growth. The disagreement between them soon became more direct.
Kennedy demands a clear answer on rising prices
Kennedy wanted the witnesses to explain how they would bring costs down.
He began with what sounded like an obvious question: was affordability ultimately about prices being too high?
After establishing that point, he argued that inflation had made everyday life more expensive and that policymakers needed to focus on increasing economic growth rather than pursuing broad deflation.
His concern was that an attempt to push prices downward across the economy could have damaging consequences for employment and economic activity. He pointed to China as a warning, referring to its deflationary pressures and youth unemployment.

The comparison was part of Kennedy's argument, not proof that the United States would experience the same outcome if prices declined. Deflation can arise under different economic conditions, and falling prices do not always have the same consequences. But Kennedy's central concern was clear: trying to reverse higher prices by forcing the overall price level down could create new problems for workers and businesses.
He argued instead that the country needed to grow its way out of the affordability crisis.
In his view, a stronger economy could help businesses expand, create more opportunities for workers, and increase wages. If household incomes rose enough, Americans could become better able to manage the higher costs they were already facing.
That approach placed economic growth at the centre of his argument. But the hearing also exposed a difficult distinction: higher wages can improve affordability, yet they do not automatically bring down the price of housing, healthcare, or other essential expenses.
For families struggling with a particular bill, a general promise of future growth may not provide immediate relief.
Housing costs expose a bigger disagreement
The discussion became especially pointed when Kennedy questioned Kevin Brown, who represented the National Association of Realtors.
Brown emphasised the need to increase housing inventory and address restrictions that can make it difficult to build homes. In places where demand outpaces the available supply, limited construction can contribute to high prices and rents.
Kennedy did not dismiss the importance of housing supply, but he repeatedly brought the discussion back to economic growth. He wanted to know how businesses would increase inventory without an economic environment that encouraged expansion.
Brown responded that housing affordability was more complicated than Kennedy's framing suggested, drawing on his experience in California, where the cost of housing has long been a major concern.
The two were approaching the issue from different directions.

Brown's emphasis was on the practical obstacles to building more homes, including zoning restrictions and limited inventory. Kennedy's emphasis was on the broader economic conditions he believed would enable businesses to grow and workers to earn more.
Both supply and income matter. If housing construction remains constrained, higher wages may simply leave buyers competing for the same limited number of homes. Conversely, increasing the number of homes available does not guarantee that every household will be able to afford them, particularly if financing and other costs remain high.
The exchange illustrated why housing affordability rarely has a single solution. Building more homes, reviewing restrictive land-use rules, improving household incomes, and addressing financing costs can all form part of the debate.
Kennedy wanted the witnesses to explain how economic growth could help families cope with inflation. Brown's answer highlighted why the details of individual markets cannot always be reduced to one national economic strategy.
The moment that brought the Easter Bunny into the hearing
The sharpest confrontation came when Kennedy returned to Julie Margetta Morgan.
He asked whether she supported a federal jobs guarantee, and Morgan answered that she believed it was a good idea.
A federal jobs guarantee is a policy concept under which the government would help ensure that people seeking work could access employment, generally through publicly supported jobs or partnerships with local communities. Supporters argue that such a programme could provide income and work opportunities to people who might otherwise struggle to find employment.
But the idea also raises questions about cost, programme design, the types of jobs offered, and how the government would pay for the initiative.
Kennedy seized on that funding question.
He asked how a federal jobs guarantee would be financed, then delivered the line that gave the exchange its headline: “You believe in the Easter Bunny, do you?”
The remark was intended to challenge the financial realism of the proposal. Kennedy was suggesting that supporting a programme in principle was not enough; its advocates also needed to explain where the money would come from.
Morgan responded that paying for public programmes becomes more difficult when the government provides tax cuts to the ultra-rich.
That answer shifted the argument toward taxation and the distribution of economic benefits.
Morgan's point was that government revenue and spending decisions cannot be considered in isolation. Tax cuts reduce revenue relative to what would otherwise be collected, depending on their structure and the economic effects they produce. A government deciding whether to fund a new programme must therefore consider its broader tax and spending choices.
Kennedy, meanwhile, challenged the suggestion that economic growth primarily benefited the wealthiest Americans. He pressed Morgan on whether she believed all the gains from growth went to the rich.
The exchange did not produce a detailed estimate of the cost of a federal jobs guarantee or a comprehensive funding proposal. Instead, it revealed a fundamental disagreement about priorities: whether the focus should be on encouraging private-sector expansion or using taxation and public programmes to distribute economic opportunity more broadly.
A debate about taxes, wages, and who benefits from growth
The disagreement over the jobs guarantee reflects a wider argument in American economic policy.
One approach places greater emphasis on private enterprise. Under this view, governments should encourage investment, reduce unnecessary regulatory barriers, and create conditions in which businesses can expand and hire more workers. Rising employment and wages can then help households manage the cost of living.
Another approach places more emphasis on public intervention. Supporters argue that economic growth does not automatically benefit all households equally, and that public investment, social programmes, labour protections, and tax policy can help people who are left behind.
Neither approach removes the need to answer practical questions.
A growth-focused strategy must consider whether new jobs pay enough to cover essential expenses, whether workers can access those jobs, and whether increased demand could add pressure to already constrained markets.
A government-led jobs programme must explain its funding, eligibility rules, administrative structure, and likely effects on existing employment. Its advocates also need to consider whether the jobs created would meet genuine community needs and how the programme would operate during different economic conditions.
Those are substantive policy questions, and Kennedy's demand for a funding explanation touched on one of them. But his Easter Bunny remark was a rhetorical challenge rather than an economic calculation.
Similarly, Morgan's argument about tax cuts raised a question about government priorities, but it did not, on its own, establish the precise revenue effects of any particular tax policy or demonstrate how a jobs guarantee should be financed.
A complete assessment would require more than the exchange provided.
The final exchange takes an even sharper turn
After questioning Morgan about the federal jobs guarantee and tax cuts, Kennedy asked whether she considered herself a democratic socialist.
Morgan replied that she had never used that term to describe herself.
Kennedy then asked whether she had a Nazi tattoo, prompting an immediate expression of surprise from Morgan and an intervention from Senator Catherine Cortez Masto, who asked for the hearing to be brought back on track.
The exchange moved well beyond the original question of affordability. Rather than clarifying the cost of a jobs guarantee or the merits of competing economic proposals, it became a personal and ideological confrontation.
The moment underscored the increasingly combative tone of the discussion. Kennedy had begun by demanding practical answers about prices and wages, but the hearing ended this segment with a question that did little to advance the economic debate.
For viewers, it was likely to be among the most memorable moments. For anyone trying to understand the underlying policy disagreement, however, the more consequential questions remained the ones raised earlier: how should the United States reduce the pressure on household budgets, and what role should government play?
What the confrontation actually revealed
Kennedy's Easter Bunny question captured his scepticism toward proposals that, in his view, lacked a clear funding mechanism. His argument was that the country needed economic growth, stronger wages, and business expansion rather than promises that did not explain their costs.
Morgan's response reflected a different emphasis. She argued that tax policy affects the government's ability to fund public programmes and that the distribution of economic gains matters when families are struggling with affordability.
The hearing did not establish that one broad approach could solve the problem on its own. Nor did it provide a complete financial assessment of a federal jobs guarantee.
What it did show was how quickly the affordability debate can move from a shared concern—high prices—to a dispute over the proper role of government.
For many households, the central issue is immediate and practical: rent is due, groceries must be purchased, and wages have to cover the bills. Policymakers may disagree about how to respond, but proposals ultimately need to be judged by their costs, their likely effects, and the evidence supporting them.
Kennedy demanded that the witnesses explain how their ideas would work in practice. Morgan challenged the assumption that tax cuts for wealthy Americans could be separated from decisions about public spending. Brown highlighted the specific supply constraints affecting housing.
Each exchange pointed to a different part of the affordability problem.
The lasting question is not whether the Easter Bunny belongs in a Senate hearing. It is whether the policies being discussed can deliver measurable improvements in people's lives—and whether their supporters can explain both the benefits and the costs.
That is a far more demanding test than winning a memorable moment on camera.